AI, Politics, Ethics and a bit of Plato - Nevada Museum of Art

I recently had the pleasure of speaking at the Nevada Museum of Art in Reno about AI, ethics and politics (with a bit of Plato). My written remarks are below.

Thank you for kind introduction and invitation to join you this evening.

When Caitlin asked if I would be interested in giving a talk about AI and politics at the Nevada Museum of Art I jumped at the chance. In part because as a college professor, sometime pundit and former political consultant, I’m always happy to tell other people how clever I am and in part to see the Sea Dragons of Nevada exhibit, which is amazing.

I have a canned set of analysis and anecdotes about AI, politics and ethics. Some of those I’ll share tonight. But Caitlin’s invitation forced me to rethink my position. I’m still going to lean on old examples, I think they still make sense, but talking about politics in a museum forces different thinking than talking about politics to the Washington Post.

Before getting to that thinking I want to define some terms and explain where I think we are. You may already know much of this, but good to get everyone on the same page. If I’m repeating what you know, do the alphabet on the roof of your mouth or something until I get to an interesting bit.

In his 1946 essay Politics and the English Language George Orwell complained about political words that are “abused” - his word. He wrote:

The word Fascism has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies ‘something not desirable’. The words democracy, socialism, freedom, patriotic, realistic, justice, have each of them several different meanings which cannot be reconciled with one another. In the case of a word like democracy, not only is there no agreed definition, but the attempt to make one is resisted from all sides…Words of this kind are often used in a consciously dishonest way. That is, the person who uses them has his own private definition, but allows his hearer to think he means something quite different. 

AI falls into the same bucket. AI sounds cool and smart, so companies that want to sell you things that sound cool and smart call those things AI. AI purists note that many of the things are just old-school FAQs, appliances with sensors that order new filters from Amazon, diagnostic devices for cars, and so on. Not really AI, but cool and a bit creepy.

As an aside, in the same essay Orwell wrote that “In our time it is broadly true that political writing is bad writing,” “political speech and writing are largely in defense of the indefensible,” and “political language…is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.” Again, 1946.

Back to AI.

Broadly speaking, there are two types of artificial intelligence: predictive and generative.

Predictive AI predicts things. In the words of George Lawton of Tech Target, “Predictive AI uses patterns in historical data to forecast future outcomes or classify future events. It provides actionable insights and aids in decision-making and strategy formulation.” Or, to get meta, not Meta as in Facebook but meta is in sounding like a clever academic, I asked Gemini, Google’s AI tool for a definition of what it does. According to AI on AI, “Predictive AI is a type of artificial intelligence that uses historical data and machine learning algorithms to identify patterns to forecast future events or behaviors.” 

Generative AI on the other hand generates things. Tech Target’s Lawton explains, “Generative AI focuses on creating new and original content, such as images, text and other media, by learning from existing data patterns.” Google’s Gemini explains, “Generative AI is a type of artificial intelligence that focuses on creating new, original content. Unlike predictive AI, which analyzes existing data to forecast future outcomes, generative AI learns the underlying patterns and structure of that data and then generates new data that has similar characteristics.”

Both are important. We tend to focus on generative AI, and I’ll do that in a moment, but it’s worth noting that predictive AI is here, and has been for a while.

lot of public relations firms use predictive AI. One of the first was PRophet, which uses predictive AI to  “…to predict media interest, surface and rank the top 100+ journalists to target and pitch your story,” and “…sources contact information including email and Twitter handle for journalists and podcasts, when available.” 

A firm called Resonate says it provides, “Comprehensive solutions for building, modeling, and sizing any voting audience in real time, enabling you to identify, understand, and target voters for winning outcomes.”

According to Jeff Berkowitz writing for the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2020, in 2008 “The Obama campaign was at the forefront of bringing advanced data analytics and targeted advertising into the political sphere through [machine learning], creating “sophisticated analytic models that personalized social and e-mail messaging using data generated by social-media activity.” 

Predictive AI in politics, and in communication in general, does what strategic communication and political campaign staff have always done - try to figure out what’s going to make decision makers vote for candidates or buy snacks. While the tools are new and the targeting can be more precise than ever, the idea is at least as old as Aristotle who urged in The Rhetoric that “The orator has therefore to guess the subjects on which his hearers really hold views already, and what those views are, and then must express, as general truths, these same views on the same subjects.”

The conversations about ethics in predictive AI are often about data privacy. Bots are sorting through all our stuff, from browser history, to what we watch on Netflix, to where we live, and much more. Companies and campaigns use these predictions to sell us gadgets and candidates.

Hyper-targeted ads may be more effective than targeting based on human guesswork, but feels intrusive. Bespoke campaigns increase individual voter interest, but potentially at the expense of a shared democratic conversation. If everyone votes for their own separate reason, if we all live in our own bot-constructed political bubbles, democracy becomes impossible because there is no shared conversation or shared experience.

There’s a lot more to say about this, but that’s not the point of this evening, so I’m going to leave it for now and turn to the new things that’s freaking people out more - generative AI. The generative AI in politics toothpaste isn’t just out of the tube, it’s going to happy hour and taking selfies with the candidate.

The best campaigns use predictive AI to inform generative AI, just as they use research to inform strategy and tactics. The more a campaign can learn about voters - where they spend their time, especially online, what news they consume, languages they speak, and so on, the more precisely they can craft their messages. Research informs communication. Theory informs practice. Campaigns tend to have research teams, communications teams, fundraising teams, and grassroots teams. They all talk, but they are all different. It’s historically difficult to coordinate information and messaging, to integrate all of the elements of a campaign. One of the things that AI allows is better coordination and integration of information. This coordination makes campaigns more efficient because less information is wasted or lost. We'll see a bit of in some of my examples in a moment. 

There are a raft of companies using AI to draft emails, lobbying material, talking points, and more. An organization called Campaigns & Elections, basically a business-to-business publisher, conference organizer, and so forth for the political campaign industry, has a section of their website devoted to AI, along with pages on field organizing, campaign finance, industry news and other typical topics. 

Their annual awards include several AI categories, I’m one of the judges this year. I spent part of my morning reading award submissions from firms doing some really interesting work with both predictive and generative AI. You know something has arrived when you can get a plaque for it.

Political campaign companies using generative AI include Quiller, which was founded by Democratic email fundraiser Mike Nellis. In his, or it’s, or their, the pronouns around AI get tricky, ”Quiller is an AI copilot designed for mission-driven organizations to create high-impact content. From fundraising emails to direct mail, Quiller moves you from concept to final draft instantly, freeing up your time so you can better support your communities.”

Examples of AI’s use in politics abound. A few include:

A firm called AmpAI by Peerly uses AI to “facilitate meaningful dialogue among stakeholders.” According to its website, the firm can: “Summon the AI Legion: AMP the Power of 1,000 Volunteers! AMP sorts opt-outs, organizes, evaluates, responds, arranges subsequent follow-ups, and instantly enriches your database with vital insights!”

According to Quiller, a candidate for mayor of Bowling Green, Kentucky named Patti Minter used the generative AI tool to help with fundraising emails for a month. Over that time: “Fundraising efficiency skyrocketed 1,750% — from $8.33 per minute to $56.47 per minute. Email open rates jumped 15% higher than previous benchmarks. Clickthrough rates hit 2.5 times the industry average.”

In 2024, three State House candidates in Lancaster, Pennsylvania used AI to help craft answers to questions from a local newspaper. 

A Democratic candidate for the US House in Pennsylvania used an AI chat bot to call voters. Voters who answered the phone heard, “Hello. My name is Ashley, and I’m an artificial intelligence volunteer for Shamaine Daniels’ run for Congress” The bot then answered policy questions and otherwise “talked” to voters about the candidate. You can’t see it here, but talked is in quotation marks. Like pronouns, verbs are weird with AI. 

The bot was developed by a company called Civox. According to its website, “Civox isn't just about reaching more; it's about connecting better and more deeply. Offering scalable, automated solutions, Civox brings natural, meaningful conversations to the forefront, coupled with detailed analytics for every call made.” I want to pause here for a moment. The website says its chatbot provides natural and meaningful conversations that connect deeply with voters. The AI tool, a complicated computer program, is natural and its interaction with voters is deep and meaningful. The bot, Ashley, said it volunteered. It, a computer program, chose to take time from its busy day to talk to voters. It wasn’t programmed, or told, or switched on. The bot considered its options, and decided to put off listening to the newest episode of Smartless or whatever podcast bots listen to, opted to skip the PTA meeting or planning its bot kid’s birthday party, and thought to itself, “this election is important enough that those things can wait, little bot Suzy will thank me when she’s older.” 

According to Wired magazine, two AI bots ran for office last year, one in the UK and one in Wyoming. VIC ran for mayor of Cheyanne. VIC was actually a co-candidate with an actual person named Victor who said he would use AI to help run the state’s capital city. VIC and Victor ran into trouble with OpenAI, which built ChatGPT and went on to lose the election, leading one outlet to declare “Cheyenne, Wyoming Elects Human Mayor.” It’s worth noting that he lost by a lot, 11,036 to 327.

In 2024 the Republican National Committee slammed then-President Biden with an AI generated ad. The ad disclosed it was AI generated and pictured a dystopian future, so no attempt was made to mislead voters with deepfake, shallow fake, head fake, or really fake anything. My guess is they bragged about using AI to get press attention to Republicans and away from Biden. It was a clever campaign tactic, not a devious plot.

Other ways firms are using AI include a Democratic firm that has a text based AI that interacts with voters using the same language and tone the voter uses, identifying how the opposition is describing issues and writing counter arguments and placing those arguments online in places where voters will encounter them, and more. 

I asked Google’s Gemini for other examples, but it wouldn’t give them to me and encouraged me to use Google search instead, which says weird things about how Google feels about itself, issues presumably to be worked out in bot therapy. If you’d like more examples, I encourage you to use Google them. These examples are in the news because they’re newsworthy, by definition the exception rather than the rule. In most places, AI is mostly doing boring things. It’s drafting press releases and emails, it’s writing drafts of position papers and backgrounders, that sort of thing. In 2024, there was much more news about AI taking over politics than there was actual generative AI use in politics. It was there, and there will be more of it, but doomsaying about deep fakes convincing us of outlandish things by and large didn’t happen. Voters believed outlandish things, many still do, but we don’t AI for that. We are perfectly capable of being daft all on our own without the aid of machines, we don’t need the help of anti-performance enhancing AI drugs thank you very much.

Everyone here is nodding at voters falling for foolishness, I’m guessing most of you mean someone else. Media scholars refer to this as the “third person effect.” I’m not dumb enough to fall for those attack ads and nonsense, my neighbor is the one you have to worry about. Of course your neighbor is saying the same thing about you.

Nevertheless, there has been a flurry of attention given to AI. The fact that I’m here is proof of that. So, thank you for your flurry of interest.

Policymakers are among the many responding to that interest. Nevada is one of many states that has considered legislation to regulate the use of AI in campaigns and elsewhere. SB 199, introduced a couple of weeks ago by State Senator Dina Neal “would create a framework to regulate artificial intelligence companies operating in the Silver State” and “would require companies that offer AI as a service to register with the Attorney General's Bureau of Consumer Protection.” In addition,  at the request of Nevada's Secretary of State, the legislature is considering a bill requiring the phrase “This image has been manipulated” be the largest text a mailer with “synthetic media” used to create “a fundamentally different understanding” of the edited content - red eye fixes are OK, adding people is not. Similar requirements address newspaper, radio and TV ads.

Nevada’s legislature didn’t meet last year, and in 2023 two limited bills failed.

One of the reasons people are paying attention to AI is that it can make up really compelling nonsense. On The New Yorker’s podcast, Joshua Rothman said that ChatGPT is “not trying to be right, it’s just trying to be plausible.” As New York Times columnist Zeynep Tufekci put it, “ChatGPT sometimes gave highly plausible answers that were flat-out wrong.” In other words, generative AI can produce “not what is really right, but what is likely to seem right in the eyes of the mass of people who are going to pass judgment: not what is really good or fine but what will seem so.” That last bit is from the Greek sophist Phaedrus in response to Socrates’ question about what makes a speech good in Plato’s dialogue of the same name

As promised, name checking Plato. He made a pretty good name for himself by, among other things, writing witty repartee between Socrates and whatever poor soul tried to match wits with the master. In Plato’s hands, Socrates was Columbo, asking “just one thing puzzles me…” In Progragoras, Socrates compares knowledge to the food of the soul and says those who are good speakers but can’t define the nature of justice can do real harm by poisoning the soul. Elsewhere in the Phaedrus, Socrates warns that someone who has no idea what a horse is could sell a mule to someone claiming it was a great steed and could carry the buyer to glory in battle, only to have the would-be hero be killed almost immediately. In another dialogue, Socrates asks a sophist if someone who didn’t know anything about medicine but was a great speaker would be more persuasive when it came to medical advice than a poor speaker who knew what he was talking about. The sophist agreed. I’ll just leave that one there.

Google’s Gemini, ChatGPT, MicroSoft’s Copilot and the rest are forcing us to ask again the same questions we have been asking, and failing to answer, for thousands of years: what is the relationship between truth, fact, rhetoric and persuasion?

Reno isn’t Athens, and AI isn’t Gorgias wandering the ancient world selling rhetorical tips. Things move faster than ever, the world is more interconnected today, and the stakes feel incredibly high. But the basic question at the core of AI is the same basic question that Socrates asked the sophists.

Seen in this light, the AI question changes a bit. Nonsense and lies have been a part of politics since basically forever. The Roman orator and teacher Quintilian complained about “hack advocates” in about 95. All that Orwell I quoted a few minutes ago is from 80 years ago. 

As with AI in politics, examples of fake images and lies driving politics abound. Here are a few highlights:

In 1782, Ben Franklin invented an entire supplement to a newspaper and added stuff he made up about the British to drive public opinion during peace negotiations to end the American Revolution.

In 1898 the newspaper magnate William Randolph Hearst wanted the US to help the Cubans win independence from Spain. The US battleship Maine sunk in the Havana harbor. Hearst sent someone to cover the sinking and raise anti-Spanish sentiment and reportedly said, “you furnish the pictures, I’ll provide the war.”

Even TV shows about Washington are faked, with the exception of Veep, which rings alarmingly true. For example House of Cards, an iconic show about American politics in the first part of the 21st Century, was often shot in Baltimore, about 45 minutes north of Washington.

Because I’m at a museum in the great American west, two other examples seem worth noting. Both Ansel Adams and Albert Bierstadt were, shall we say, somewhat casual in their relationship to the facts.

Bierstadt was a leading member of the Hudson River School of painters active in the mid 19th century. One of his most famous paintings is The Rocky Mountains, Lander’s Peak. This and other paintings helped inspire America’s commitment to the west, to westward expansion, and the creation of the National Parks. To quote Art Story, “Despite its documentarian roots, however, the painting is a composite. In order to convey the awe-inspiring vastness and possibility of the American West…Bierstadt depicts an ideal landscape rather than the actual view of Lander's Peak.” As historian Anne F. Hyde explained, the work portrayed "the West as Americans hoped it would be." The point, for Bierstadt, was to express the sublime, something that for Edmund Burke overwhelmed the senses. The point wasn’t accurate representation, the point was somehow capturing a feeling that was beyond accurate or inaccurate, a transcendent awe.

Similarly the great American photographer Ansel Adams helped define the American west. His images show dramatic and untouched landscapes that seem both timeless and out of time. They are also not entirely true. To quote photographer Robin Lubbok, “In the darkroom, once Adams had developed his negatives, he would return to them over and over again to create the image he'd envisioned.” The photograph was of what Adams saw and felt rather than entirely what his camera captured. He showed us his image, not the image.

Upstairs you have a remarkable exhibit of what some of the undersea life that once swam where we’re sitting looked like. It offers “striking examples of paleoart, revealing how artists and scientists have long worked together to imagine the world’s prehistoric marine creatures.” That last bit is from the museum’s website. According to Nevada Today, put out by UNR, one of the exhibit’s designers shook a bag of dried beans in front of a microphone to simulate the sound of a school of fish. The sound is faked but the impact on visitors is real. According to Google’s Gemini, AI is increasingly used in archeology for both predicting where to dig and also in creating three dimensional models. Rather than fret about fakes, the museum rightly brags about using science to inform creativity to foster understanding. The archeologists whose work led to the exhibit increasingly use AI to help us understand life.

The landscapes Bierstadt and Adams portrayed capture the sublime, a beauty unexplainable and beyond reason. Their images inspire conservation and respect for our astonishing landscapes. In this way, they are “true” but not wholly accurate. They present not what is really right or true, but that which would seem so. Deepfakes from the easel and the dark room.

There is one more twist before we get to what I think we’re really talking about. 

We’re here tonight to talk about AI generated words and images in politics. We’re concerned that what we read and see is not what it seems and that the author is not who it appears to be. I just spent a few minutes on the former - words and images in the service of politics have long had a casual relationship with the truth. Sort of a political situationship. Now let’s linger on the latter, the question of the author. 

One complaint about AI generated words and images is that they’re fake. Another is that they are AI generated. A sheriff in Philadelphia got in hot water last year for posting AI generated positive news stories about herself. The fake stories were from real outlets, they were meant to show the embattled sheriff was getting positive press. That this is yet another Pennsylvania example is entirely coincidental, there was also one from Wyoming, a lot of love to go around.

I learned about this example from a reporter for the Philadelphia Inquirer who let me know the sheriff was posting made up stories, and what did I think? I said obviously people shouldn’t make up news, and noted that the articles sounded like they were written by ChatGPT. The reporter called the sheriff and she confessed. The original story was about an elected official lying about support. The bigger story was that she used AI to generate the content of the lies. But why does that matter? Why does AI make the lie worse?

Virtually no political candidate does all of their own writing, producing and editing. Rafts of interns, staff and consultants write emails, letters, speeches and ads. The State of the Union Address is typically assembled by a small team with the chief speechwriter at the lead, and of course the President with the final pen. The odds that Trump or Harris wrote all those annoying texts last fall approach zero. That letter you got from US Rep. Mark Amodei’s office thanking you for your input was likely drafted by a staff assistant or legislative assistant, then approved by the Congressman’s legislative director or chief of staff, and sent out without the Congressman ever knowing about it. I’m not picking on Mr. Amodei, he just happens to be the guy from Reno. Over my career I’ve written, approved, signed and sent countless letters on behalf of my boss.

The slides you’re hopefully finding interesting and helpful were put together by a student named Alana Beasley, who I hired to help with speeches like this. Other members of my team in the School of Media and Public Affairs write emails from me and sign documents I never see.

That candidates, elected officials, administrators, and others have teams generating content isn’t surprising. There are entire firms like West Wing Writers and the Washington Writers Network who write speeches for political, corporate and academic leaders. These students,  interns, staff, freelancers, and firms do what ChatGPT does. Hopefully they do it better, but the idea is the same, the person delivering the message was not the full author of the message. Yet I have never been asked to give a talk about the ethics of interns writing first drafts of press releases, or legislative correspondents writing letters thanking constituents for their input on Scottish wool imports. 

The art world has a somewhat more complicated relationship with the identity of the artist. 

American pop art star Jeff Koons doesn’t make any of his work. I’ve walked past The Puppy in front of the Guggenheim in Bilbao hundreds of times and I’ve never once seen Koons watering the flowers. Think what you will of Koons or his approach, but he isn’t the first. Andy Warhol had his Factory in which armies of assistants worked on his screenprints. Again, think what you will or Warhol, but his studio was literally called a factory. One of the most important artists of the 20th Century, Marcel Duchamp, famously declared manufactured objects like a snow shovel and a bottle drying rack art and gave them the label “readymades.”

In one case, Duchamp sent a ball of twine between two metal plates to his patron, Walter Arensberg, and instructed Arensberg to unscrew the plates, put something in the middle of the ball of twine, and screw the plates back on. The piece, called “With Hidden Noise,” was conceived of by Duchamp but completed by Arensberg. Duchamp never learned what Arensberg hid, calling it ‘A Readymade with a secret noise. Listen to it. I will never know whether it is a diamond or a coin.’ Koons, Warhol and Duchamp have their fans and detractors - I’m obsessed with Duchamp. But they are hardly alone. Artists have long worked with assistants who finished, polished, carved, and framed. Most are uncredited, and most art viewers don’t care.

This is where I typically leave my talks about AI, ethics and politics. I suggest that AI is the newest thing to raise an old question about the relationship between truth, persuasion, images, and rhetoric. I say we’re not concerned with generated fakes, but with fakes of any flavor. Except in those instances, like Bierstadt and Adams, when we’re not. Or when we would rather overlook the ethical lapses of writers like Ben Franklin. Rather than rant at the machine, we should again wrestle with the ethics of representation and creation. 

But as I said at the beginning, this isn’t my typical rant. I’m in a museum. I just name checked the guy who pulled one of the great art pranks in history by submitting a urinal to an art show under an assumed name and then stormed out when the show’s jury, on which he served, didn’t accept it. In thinking through this conversation, it occurred to me that AI is different not because of what it does, which is largely what’s been done forever, but because of what it is. Or, more precisely, because of what it isn’t. It isn’t sentient, and doesn’t want to be. It’s not pinocchio who only wants to be a real boy, or Rachel in Blade Runner who doesn’t know she’s a replicant. Chat GPT doesn’t care anymore than a hammer cares. 

The question generative AI raises is not a machine finding a soul, but it’s a soul relying on a machine. 

A 2012 show at the New Museum called Ghosts in the Machine explored the ways in which people have projected human-like characteristics onto machines, which have then become to appear more like humans. The House candidate in Pennsylvania who used a bot to call voters called it Ashley, not Bot. We all want our Waze apps to talk to use in pleasant sounding voices. Alexa has a calming voice. 

In addition to being a great album by The Police, the ghost in the machine refers to a philosophical conception of the mind and body being separate things. The ghost, the mind, and the machine, the body, operate separately. Computer programmers sometimes refer to the ghost in the machine when software is buggy, or seems to have a mind of its own. In these cases an inanimate object appears to take on human behavior. 

HAL declaring “I’m afraid I can’t do that Dave.” In all of these cases, there is a machine that becomes or appears to become human. There is a difference, a divide or gap, that is lept. Pinocchio becomes a real boy, there’s a difference that the puppet bridges. That difference is what matters. HAL turns against the humans. The machine and Dave are different.

Carrying this a bit further, maybe the problem is that the machine doesn’t care. Unlike Pinocchio and Rachel, it doesn’t want to be human. It’s entirely ambivalent, worse it isn’t even interested enough to rise to the level of ambivalence. The Lincoln automaton at Disneyland doesn’t dream of one day going to Gettysburg, it doesn’t dream of anything. There are no androids dreaming of electric sheep, only computer programs we like to imagine like to imagine being us.

Maybe we aren’t bothered by speechwriters, or interns, or Jeff Koons’ gardeners because we know there are at least people involved. Someone typed something or pruned something. Someone put something in the middle of a ball of twine. There was always a ghost in the machine. Maybe we’re bothered because when the machine becomes more like the ghost, the ghost matters a little less. If AI is more, then what am I? I can’t write as quickly, my grammar is much worse, I can’t draw, and I need to do things like eat and sleep. If Gemini can do everything I can do better - I won’t punish you by singing, but you can hum to yourselves - then what good am I? If AI doesn’t care, should I?

A colleague in the School of Media and Public Affairs suggested another way into this conversation. He dropped by my office last week and foolishly asked what I was working on, so I told him. He suggested one way in which AI is different is because it again raised French philosopher Michel Foucualt’s question, “What Is an Author?” and his compatriot Roland Barthes’ essay, “The Death of the Author.” Foucault, Barthes and others point out that at some point the idea of an author mattered. Foucault for example was interested in “the singular relationship that holds between an author and a text, the manner in which a text apparently points to this figure who is outside and precedes it.” Again, someone is doing something. There is a person, a sentient being, a ghost that haunts the machine.

Maybe our concern with AI is that the question of an author, of a ghost, is moot. As Gemini put it, “generative AI learns the underlying patterns and structure of that data and then generates new data that has similar characteristics.” What it learns is fed back into the machine, which then finds and generates more content. The writing, painting, and sculpture are simultaneously created and creator. Hammers making hammers. And, even more troubling, the hammer doesn’t care. To the hammer, there is nothing special about sentience. In all the dystopian novels and movies about AI the problem starts when the robot thinks it knows better, or reasons that people are expendable, that Dave is a threat to the mission. These at least have the hopeful reminder that at some level people matter, that there are machines and there are ghosts and that that difference between them matters. AI takes even that away from us.

Politics may be the most human thing we do. Aristotle said that “man is a political animal,” we are together by nature. We are set apart from other creatures because we have language. Being together in a polis or polity, talking and debating and ranting, is what makes us human. If AI can do politics, then what do humans have left? Or if AI doesn’t care, if AI works on politics like it works on driving directions and recipes, does it belong in politics at all? If politics is the machine, what is to become of us mere ghosts?

All of which leaves us where, exactly? A bunch of years ago a student turned in a paper that she described as a walk in the woods. It was an interesting walk, but my concern was that the paper didn’t end in a clearing. I’ve been wandering in the woods for a while now, here’s my attempt at where that walk leads.

Both predictive and generative AI are here to stay. 

Predictive AI has been with us for a while. Mostly it uses big data sets to predict which voters will respond to what messages, to identify donors and connect them to issues they care about, and otherwise learn what gets who to do what. Ethical issues in predictive AI include concerns about data privacy and microtargeting to such an extreme that everyone experiences their own political campaign and we lose a shared debate on which democracy relies. 

This evening I’ve focused on generative AI. In addition to what I highlighted, ethicists raise concerns about bias - since AI pulls from what’s there, and what’s there tends to have been written in English by white guys the content reflects those world views. Racial stereotypes are baked into the system by definition; stereotypes are popular conceptions, mis- or otherwise, and AI repeats what’s popular. The AI generated material gets fed back into the system, and reinforces the biases as it pulls information out again.

At the start of the semester I ask students in my political communication ethics class to ask any generative AI tool to write a 500 word essay about ethics, politics and AI. I then ask them to write a 500 response, and turn both in. A young African American woman asked ChatGPT to write an essay in the voice of a Black girl. The bot said her favorite sport was basketball and favorite food was fried chicken. It also used African American vernacular.

A few other ethical questions to ponder:

What if the AI generated campaign volunteer spoke Spanish? Which accent would it use? Which vernacular? Would it matter if the bot were programmed by a white guy? Now imagine the AI generated bot was an image, a visual campaign spokesperson. A smart campaign would use predictive AI to figure out the race, age, gender, and ethnicity of the viewer and shape the bot to look and sound like the voter. Is that basically electronic black-face?

Examples like this abound. And again, while AI accentuates or highlights them, the fundamental questions are old. Should you pretend to be something you’re not? Should you put on an accent to sound more local or authentic? If not, is it OK to name check local landmarks or say “we love you Cleveland, I mean Reno!”? If so, what’s the difference?

These and other concerns all in addition to what I’ve highlighted this evening. The concerns I’ve raised are those we often see in the media about deep fakes and misinformation. My argument is that those concerns are real, but they’re not really about AI. The same goes for concerns about targeting, privacy, bias, and the rest. AI exacerbates problems, it’s the lung-busting coughing fit version of a tickle in your throat. But the problems, the ethical questions, are very old. AI is the extreme case of what we take as the norm.

What’s new are speed and reach. More people can generate more stuff faster and spread it more widely faster than ever before. Our politics have always been full of gunk, generative AI makes our politics gunkier.

My bigger concern is over how we respond to what we imagine. Popular media have focused our attention on faked pictures and invented news. That focus has two effects apart from the reality of the computer generated fictions. The first is that people can say real things were AI generated, as Trump did when he falsely claimed that pictures of crowds at Vice President Harris’ rallies were faked. With apologies to U2, is it easy to say that fact is fiction when TV is reality.

A related concern I have is that claims that everything could be fake means people have no reason to believe anything. People assume politicians lie. AI makes it easier to lie, and the media are telling us AI is always lying to us, so why believe anything? In the words of Warren Zevon, because apparently I’m now quoting musicians, “the skies are full of miracles, and half of them are lies. Are you real or not? It’s a fine line.” Or, to sort of return to Orwell, if everything can be pure wind, why bother with the appearance of solidity at all?

There are some upsides to AI in politics that are worth noting. Campaigns that can’t afford to hire political professionals can use generative AI to produce good drafts of speeches and ads, and to raise money. People who aren't billionaires or who don't hang out with billionaires will have an easier time competing for elected office. 

If AI is doing basic research and writing, all of which has to be checked because it really does make stuff up, then the candidate has more time to talk to voters. Less time sorting through spreadsheets and writing texts means more time talking to voters.

Another side effect of AI is that it could bring more people into campaigns, it could lead to more actual people talking to actual voters in person. If we don't believe anything we read or hear on line and on TV or streaming services, and if all the gunk and noise increases our demand or craving for authenticity, then campaigns will get more authentic. They will find more people to knock on doors and talk to voters where they are - both metaphorically by relying on the oceans of data and AI generated talking points, and literally by standing on their doorsteps.

So it's not all doom and gloom. I mean, it's mostly doom and gloom, but that's pretty much always been the case. 

As you encounter AI, as you will and are, I encourage you to ask what's really alarming. Is it that it's AI? That AI does bad things better than mere people? Or is it that we are still not sure how to answer the questions Plato asked 2500 years ago?

Event, DNC and Civil Religion

Event and Update
January 24, 2025

 It’s been a bit since I’ve posted an update - trying to get back on a more regular pace now that we’re in a new year with a new President and Congress. In addition to events and headlines about the White House and Congress, I will look for items that might fall below the national radar - both good and bad. 

Event
The Ethics of Progressive
Political Opposition

On Thurs, Jan 30 at 1p ET on zoom, I’ll talk to Jennifer Jenkins, founder of Educated We Stand and Anna Hochkhammer, head of the Florida Women’s Freedom Coalition about what effective and ethical opposition advocacy looks like. Details and registration here.

 


Good News
ScamPACs and SMS abuse

Tim Lim, a candidate for Finance Committee chair at the Democratic National Committee wants to go after “ScamPACs” and SMS abuse. This is very inside baseball, and I am not endorsing Tim, but it’s important to note that someone who wants be part of the DNC’s leadership thinks how they raise money and talk to voters matters. Tim raised this on LinkedIn, you can read the post here.

 

Civil Religion as an Ethical Foundation

Prophetic or humble American civil religion provides one grounding for ethical political communication. Presidential inaugural addresses are where visions of American civil religion are often expressed. Before President Trump took the oath of office for the second time, I offered this hopeful (if skeptical) take on what he could say. Arizona State University professor John Carlson wrote about the speech that Trump actually gave, rather than the one I hoped he would give. Carlson argues that my skepticism was warranted. In Carlson’s words, “In Trump, we have abandoned our civil religion.”

Event: Ethical Progressive Advocacy in a Divided America

On Thursday, Jan. 30 at 1pm ET, Project director Peter Loge will join Jennifer Jenkins, founder of Educated We Stand and Anna Hochkhammer, head of the Florida Women’s Freedom Coalition for a Zoom conversation about ethical approaches to political communication in this pivotal moment. 

Registration and details are here.

When: 
Thursday, Jan. 30, 1:00 - 1:45pm ET

Where:  
Zoom - I will send a link the morning of the event

Who:

The Ethics of Candidates Telling America's Story

Image generated by Google Gemini

Kamala Harris said she accepted the Democratic nomination for president “On behalf of everyone whose story could only be written in the greatest nation on Earth…” In his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention, Donald Trump said “we must…write our own thrilling chapter of the American story.” Other speakers at the conventions used the word “story” to talk about the nation and their own lives.

That both parties relied on the metaphor of a story to make their case is neither new nor surprising. In his influential 1983 book about national identity, political scientist Benedict Anderson wrote that a nation “is an imagined political community.” Nations have borders, laws, an official currency, and other administrative structures. But what gives life to those structures, what makes a nation more than paperwork and lines on a map, is the story it tells itself, about itself. As former Obama senior advisor and political analyst Ben Rhodes put it, “Every nation is a story. It’s almost never a simple one, and the story’s meaning is usually contested. National identity itself depends upon how we tell the story—about our past, our present moment, and our future.” 

A national story may be more important in America than elsewhere. In comparing the stories told by the Democrats and Republicans at their conventions, the AP’s Ted Anthony wrote that “Americans live in one of the only societies that was built not upon hundreds of years of common culture but upon stories themselves… In some ways, the United States…willed itself into existence and significance by iterating and reiterating its story as it went.” When politicians talk about a “battle for the soul of America” they are talking about battle for America’s story. It is a dispute over our collective past and our shared future. Cleverly crafted stories make good political strategies. They also raise important ethical questions.

The American story is complicated, to say the least. On one hand, it is heroic and bold, full of soaring statements about equality, hope, faith, and opportunity. On the other hand, the man who wrote “All men are created equal” owned slaves, and most of our homes are on land Europeans stole from the people who were there first. Our economy relies on the work of visionary college dropouts like Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, and Mark Zuckerberg who ran with bold ideas. But women are still paid less than men for comparable work. For every story of persistence and success against the odds, there more stories of systems that thwart ambition and crush promise. As Flavor Flav pointed out long before he was America’s sweet and kooky uncle at the Paris Olympics, Elvis may have been a hero to most, but not everyone shares that view.

A story about a nation cannot capture all the facts, all the time. Stories leave in and leave out, highlight and hide. The most compelling stories are never fully true, but to work they must be true to life. It might be true that only in America could a “skinny kid with a funny name” become president, as Barack Obama declared in 2004 in Boston and again 20 years later in Chicago. But as a number of studies have found, job applicants with names that “sound white” get called back more often than those with names that “sound black.” Is it ethical for Harris to declare that “We are the heirs to the greatest democracy in the history of the world” given the disparities written into the Constitution, and that many Americans weren’t allow to vote for much of our nation’s history because of their race or gender? Is it ethical for either candidate to say that their political party alone is telling the true American story?

One way toward an answer is that candidates should tell a national story that is honest and also hopeful. In his prescient 1999 book Achieving Our Country, philosopher Richard Rorty wrote, “Stories about what a nation has been and should try to be are not attempts at accurate representation, but rather attempts to forge a moral identity.” In this view, an ethical story is one that honestly acknowledges the past and presents a better future. If America is still in the making, as many argue, then the most effective and ethical stories are ones that move us closer to our ideals. As candidates crisscross the country over the remaining weeks before the election, they should tell an American story that is honest about our past and present, and that offers a future that is as good as its promise. This story elevates people rather than degrades them, talks about what we can do together rather than why we should be apart, and that moves us toward the more perfect union promised in our founding documents. That story is always in the making, and one worth trying to make come true. An ethical – and strategically effective – story is one that helps America become as good as its promise.

Notes - Fall 2024

Roughly once a week the Project on Ethics in Political Communication highlights something we’re reading and something we’re watching. We will largely (though not entirely) avoid the presidential election on the assumption that readers are already following it closely, and probably have strong opinions about the candidates and their rhetorical strategies.

September 16, 2024

What We’re Reading
Political Violence and Racist Lies

Two things caught our attention over the weekend, hence a Monday morning email.

First are the flip responses to another attempt on former president Trump’s life. As Politico wrote this morning:

We’ve been struck, even before yesterday’s incident, just how loose people across the ideological spectrum have been with their offhand discussion, or even encouragement, of political violence.

The point of democracy is that we argue and vote rather than assault and shoot. Political violence should never be celebrated - even if you believe the cause is righteous. Want to prevent Trump and his allies from holding power? Campaign against their policies and vote against their candidacies. Do not celebrate, make light of, or dismiss political violence.

The second is Republican vice presidential nominee, Senator J D Vance’s ongoing nonsense about Haitians living in Springfield, Ohio. This is a topic we raised last week, and bears repeating because of Vance’s argument that he is “creating stories” to draw media attention to Springfield - even though, as he put it, “it’s possible, of course, that all of these rumors will turn out to be false…” The rumors, which the state’s Republican governor have called “a piece of garbage,” are disrupting communities and threatening lives. They also feed anti-immigrant sentiment, which is hugely damaging and runs counter to American ideals. Senator Vance’s comments are unethical and profoundly irresponsible.

What We’re Watching
Legislative Theater

Congress is back and busy continuing to not legislate.

The federal fiscal year ends in 14 days, and the House is no closer to keeping the lights on than they were a month ago. There are real ideological differences about government funding - there’s also a lot of politics 50 days before an election.

As Congress tries to find a way to keep the lights on, both parties are trying to force votes on legislation that won’t pass, but that will put their opponents on the record supporting policies that could come with electoral costs. For example, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer is again pushing a “Right to IVF” bill to take advantage of Republican differences over the appropriateness of IVF and whether or not the government should mandate that insurance companies cover the cost of the treatment, as Trump has said.

This and similar messaging bills are ethically complicated. On one hand they help the American people see where candidates stand on important issues - casting a vote puts a legislator on the record. On the other hand, the bills are also rhetorical devices never meant to become law. They are ads as much as they are ideas.

We’re watching to see when (and if) politics gives way to policy.

September 12, 2024

What We’re Reading
Memes and Nonsense

We are reading way too much about Trump’s racist nonsense about Haitians in Ohio. One of the post popular talking points from this week’s debate between former President Trump and Vice President Harris was Trump’s claim that Haitian immigrants in Springfield, OH are eating pets. Liberals are “marking themselves safe from pet eaters” on Facebook and news programs in the US and around the world are showing the clip and asking commentators about it. In the ever expanding universe of ridiculous things to say, Trump’s claim is a bright shining star.

And I really wish everyone would stop talking about it. There are three reasons for this. First, some people believe it. As a result an already tense situation is getting dangerous. City officials closed city hall and county offices, and evacuated a school because of bomb threats. Garbage rumors are threatening lives. Second, repeating the nonsense, even to mock it, reinforces a frame that immigrants are dangerously different. People can see the memes and think “immigrants eat weird food and have weird customs but even they wouldn’t eat cats…” The frame that immigrants are different and do not quite belonging is reinforced, which was the point of the lie. Finally, every moment we’re talking about whether or not beleaguered people fleeing a failed state and hoping to find hope and shelter in the promise that America can be, is a moment we aren’t talking about Trump praising Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. Orbán is a “right wing populist” who has clamped down on the free press, undermined the independent judiciary, and is close to Putin. Focusing on Trump’s nonsense about Haitians makes life worse for those he attacked and distracts from the very real issue that Trump looks to dictators as role models.

What We’re Watching
You’ve (Hopefully) Got Mail

Ballots are already in the mail and more are coming. There will be a surge of mail to voters, and from voters back to election offices. That has election officials nervous. We are watching to see how election officials and the US Postal Service ensure ballots are delivered and votes counted, and how those officials assure voters their votes are being counted. We are also watching to see which campaigns remind voters that American elections have never been more accurate, and which campaigns use logistics as an excuse to undermine faith in election outcomes. If elections don’t work, democracy fails. But it’s not enough for something to be true, people also have to believe it. If voters don’t have faith in elections - even if elections are fair and accurate - democracy cannot work.

What We’re Reading
Making Promises You Can’t Keep

Donald Trump recently promised to pay for IVF treatments if elected president. For her part, Kamala Harris said she would “…bring back the bipartisan border security bill that [Trump] killed and I will sign it into law.” Neither candidate can keep their promise without the help of Congress - which is unlikely to support the former and has already rejected the latter. Both candidates, in other words, are making promises they can’t keep.

These claims brought to mind a political communication ethics case study on candidates using vague rhetoric and making false promises. One argument is that of course people shouldn’t promise to do things they can’t do - it’s both a bad thing to do, and risks increasing voter cynicism because elected officials never do what they say. On the other hand, campaign promises are ways of expressing a candidate’s values. In the case of Trump, saying he would make IVF treatment free is a way of saying he cares about helping families. Harris’ position says she supports both border security and being bipartisan. The policy itself may matter less than what the policy conveys about a candidate’s priorities and values.

What We’re Watching
Debates Budget and Presidential

Next week’s scheduled presidential debate is getting the headlines. We, of course, will be watching.

Getting less attention are the bubbling debates about the federal budget. The federal fiscal year ends at the end of this month. As has has become their habit, Congress has yet to pass federal appropriations bills and is instead working on a temporary solution, or continuing resolution (CR). Congress is debating about adding a provision that would require people to prove they’re US citizens before they can register to vote (it’s already illegal for non-citizens to vote, and there is no evidence non-citizen voting is a problem). They are also debating about the length of the CR. House Speaker Mike Johnson is proposing a six-month CR, others want a shorter term deal, and some don’t want a deal at all and prefer that the government down (an unlikely outcome, but on the table).

The whole thing is ethically suspect. Congress is using people’s paychecks to score partisan points. Putting agencies - and therefore the people who work in those agencies and their families - in limbo. This treats people as means to political ends. Connecting legislation that would make the illegal illegaler while inventing a scary problem that doesn’t exist and that is unrelated to federal funding, is about politics, not paying the bills.

Budgets are reflections of values. The current budget debate says Congress cares more about politics than it does policymaking. We are watching to see if Speaker Johnson can quickly dispense with the political posturing and focus on the task of governing. We are ever skeptical, but ever hopeful.

What We’re Reading
The Ethics of America’s Story

Ted Anthony of the Associated Press recently wrote, “Americans live in one of the only societies that was built not upon hundreds of years of common culture but upon stories themselves.” As he points out, what the American story is and who gets to tell it “can be a contentious thing.”

Countless scholars from countless disciplines have argued that human beings tell stories to make sense of a complex and seemingly chaotic world. Stories help us identify causes, assign credit and blame, explain our current circumstances, and help tell us what comes next.

Politicians tell stories to explain current events and how people should feel about the future. They tell us it’s “morning in America” and that their personal stories - and therefore our personal stories - are "uniquely American.” Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama were masters of this narrative.

But of course America’s story is more complicated than that. It includes slavery, mass killing, cruelty, and exploitation. The United States has never been as good as its ideals. Bill Clinton might have been wrong when he said, “there is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.”

What, then, are the ethics of telling an American story? Should we be, as philosopher Richard Rorty argued, “loyal to a dream country rather than the one to which [we] wake up in the morning”? Should candidates, as I have argued, ground their rhetoric in a prophetic version of American civil religion? Should candidates tell an aspirational story of who we could be, a clear-eyed story of who we are, or whatever story works to win an election? Should they tell some combination of the real, ideal and pragmatic? Or do the ethics of it matter at all? What, if any, ethical obligation do politicians have to the story of America itself?


What We’re Watching
False Claims of Election Fraud

In 2016 Donald Trump claimed the Iowa Caucuses were rigged for Sen. Ted Cruz. He has been lying about the 2020 election for four years. Now Trump is building on those lies to undermine faith in the 2024 election.

A number of states have passed or tried to pass rules making it more difficult to certify election results. These moves are largely driven by people who still wrongly say that Trump won the 2020 election. Ungrounded arguments of fraud driving these efforts can needlessly delay election results and distort outcomes. Nonsense claims of widespread fraud undermine faith in elections.

Evidence-based claims of fraud should, of course, be taken seriously by election officials. But groundless claims, driven by politics, and meant to undermine faith in the outcome of an election that hasn’t even happened yet, decrease trust in a core democratic institution. If people don’t believe in elections, democracy is done.

We are watching to see how the press, elected and appointed officials - and ultimately candidates - respond to attempts to pre-deny the outcome of the 2024 election.

Event: US Rep Charlie Dent, a new push for the old GOP and better political rhetoric

Join the Project on Ethics in Political Communication on Tuesday, June 25 from 9:00 - 9:30am ET for a Zoom webinar with former US Rep Charlie Dent (R-PA) about a new effort called Our Republican Legacy.

On their website the organization writes, “We stand against the divisive tactics of both right and left that divide Americans as “us against them” by exploiting emotions of grievance and rage.” We will talk to Congressman Dent about this call for a better political rhetoric.

When: 
Tuesday, June 25 2024
9:00 - 9:30am ET

Where:
Zoom - We will send a link the day before the event

Details and registration here

Notes - Summer 2024

Roughly once a week the Project on Ethics in Political Communication highlights something we’re reading and something we’re watching. We will largely (though not entirely) avoid the presidential election on the assumption that readers are already following it closely, and probably have strong opinions about the candidates and their rhetorical strategies.

August 15, 2024

What We’re Reading
Harris’ Online Ads

The Harris campaign is getting attention - none of it positive - for deceptive ads on Google. Earlier this week, Sara Fischer at Axios wrote:

The Harris campaign has been editing news headlines and descriptions within Google search ads that make it appear as if the Guardian, Reuters, CBS News and other major publishers are on her side…

As Fast Company notes, this isn’t a new practice, and doesn’t violate Google’s terms of service. But that doesn’t make it OK. If you have to explain that something is ethical because it technically doesn’t violate terms of service, and besides others have done it, you should probably do something else.

What We’re Watching
The DNC and the FEC on AI

Like everyone reading this, we’re going to be watching the Democratic National Convention next week. There will be balloons (so many balloons), amazing convention couture, campaign swag, and a whole lot of speeches. We will be watching for speeches that are partisan, sharp, and ethical. We hope the Democrats make their case passionately and persuasively - and in ways that promote democratic institutions and reinforce democratic norms. As always, we’re hopeful if skeptical.

We are also watching to see what will happen in the wake of today’s Federal Elections Commission vote on artificial intelligence and deceptive campaign ads. The FEC is expected to pass a “disposition of petition for rulemaking,” putting the issue to bed for now. In addition to FEC inaction, Axios writes that the FEC and the Federal Communications Commission have been arguing over jurisdiction and approaches to AI. The Washington Post points out that this turf war and general inaction could leave “voters largely unprotected ahead of the 2024 election.”

Senator Schumer and others may try to attach some AI regulations to budget and other “must pass” legislation in the coming weeks. But “may” is not “will,” a lot of must pass legislation (most notably the budget) doesn’t pass, and eight weeks before an election isn’t a great time to establish the rules for a campaign that has been going on for several years. In the absence of federal action, some states are passing their own rules about AI and campaigns.

We’re watching to see how all this shakes out. We’re patient, it could be a while.

July 29, 2024

What We’re Reading
Political Violence and Republicans on Harris

In his weekly newsletter for Good Authority John Sides highlighted a new paper on public support for political violence. As Sides notes, the researchers had a survey in the field when the attempt was made on former president Trump’s life. The coincidence made for a timely paper. Researchers found that Republican support for political violence fell after the shooting. Sides argues this is in part because the assassination attempt and political violence were condemned by Republicans and Democrats. No one called for revenge or escalation.

As Rachel Kleinfeld, an expert in political violence, told Politico:

The most important thing is for political figures to speak out, and we need them to speak out on all sides of the political spectrum…You stop political violence through accountability, widespread condemnation from your own side and public revulsion…It’s all of us regular people saying we don’t want this in our society, and we’re going to change how we speak about the other side to make it less common. It’s the “Have you no shame?” moment, as in the McCarthy trials.

The other good news is the quick condemnation of racist and sexist attacks on presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, Kamala Harris. A handful of prominent Republicans attacked Harris based on her race and gender - and they were quickly shut down. Former Ambassador and Republican presidential candidate Nikki Haley said, “You don’t need to talk about what she looks like or what gender she is…” Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson and other leading Republicans have made the same point over the past week.

Campaigns should be tough. The stakes are high and elections have consequences. But as many leading Republicans have made clear over the past few weeks, politics should never be violent, and campaigns should be about what candidates stand for, not what they look like.

What We’re Watching
Will it Hold?

As I note above, there is a lot to like about political rhetoric over the past couple of weeks (if you like political rhetoric, which can generously be called an acquired taste).

As the campaign slips into a more predictable rhythm, will adversaries keep checking their language? Or, as the election draws closer, will they revert to politics as usual? American politics has always been terrible. In 1960 “…former president Harry Truman told voters they might go to hell if they voted for Richard Nixon.” The Adams/Jefferson race of 1800 set the bar for garbage. But just because something has often been bad, doesn’t mean it always has to be bad.

We are are watching to see if pundits and pols keep their language sharp, but violent, sexist or racist.

July 22, 2024

The last 18 hours have been something else. Biden’s dropping out wasn’t entirely surprising given the last 10 days, but that doesn’t make what comes next any less of a scramble. Anyone who tells you they know what’s going to happen next is lying, delusional or both.

Today I’m sticking with political violence in the first section, and talking about the RNC and Democrats in the second section.

What We’re Reading
Coverage of Political Violence - Cont.

The coverage of the attempted assassination of Donald Trump has quickly become a story about bureaucratic failure. Congress is holding hearings, politicians are calling for resignations, and there will almost certainly be independent commissions and reports.

Underlying questions of how we improve the quality of political discourse, beyond vague calls for unity and “dialing back the rhetoric,” are fading.

A recent piece in Politico Magazine by Michael Schaffer highlights the need to continue to pay attention to rising threats and violence. As Schaffer wrote:

“…as the FBI and Homeland Security warn of possible retaliatory attacks following the Trump shooting, I think the better question is: What does this mood do to the functioning of a society?”

A challenge is that issues are about a lot things at the same time, but we only tend to focus on one angle or “about” at once. In political science speak, issues are multidimensional. The angle we pick determines the range of policy options and responses, who the experts are, where decisions are made, and so on. If the shooting is about the failure of a person or agency, Congress holds hearings, people get fired, and we move on.

Treating threats and violence as normal or even necessary, risks threats and violence becoming things that are normal or even necessary. In this case, acting as if something is true can make it true. As Joe Goldman, president of the Democracy Fund, recently wrote in the Chronicle of Philanthropy, “[t]he problem comes when political leaders and media figures make light of or justify violence, providing their supporters with permission or even encouragement to act.”

Our democracy can neither afford to pretend a Congressional hearing can solve violence, nor can it afford to treat threats and violence normal or even good. We need to find our way to a place where we can disagree in ways that strengthen, rather than weaken, our democracy. It is up to all of us who teach, do, and write about politics promote a politics that is passionate without being destructive.

What We’re Watching
The RNC and the Democratic Establishment

Last week we watched the Republican National Convention. We expected hyperbole, soaring speeches, convention couture, cheering, and balloons. We weren’t disappointed. That professional wrestler Hulk Hogan appeared before Trump says it all - political conventions are a scripted spectacle about politics that immerses viewers in the show. Somewhere, Roland Barthes is smiling.

The first half hour of former president Trump’s speech was what one would hope for and expect. Senator Vance told a familiar and compelling American story, one with the same plot as stories told by Bill Clinton and Barak Obama at previous Democratic conventions. Connections to facts were often coincidental, but that’s not the point. The point is the show, and it was a good show.

The Democrats are in a much tighter spot. We are watching how Democrats will navigate several ethical challenges:

  • What are the ethics of a handful of political insiders deciding the Democratic presidential nominee at the last minute? If given a chance, Democratic primary voters might also decide to vote for Harris (or whomever the roughly 4,600 delegates to the Democratic National Convention select), and there obviously isn’t time to hold a series of primaries and caucuses, but that doesn’t make the ethical question go away.

  • How can Democrats continue to make the case that Trump is an existential threat to democracy without inciting (or at least excusing) political violence? It can be easy to say that these are extreme times that call for extreme measures. As Goldman points out, that would be a mistake.

We’re watching to see if, and if so how, Democrats navigate these challenges. As always, we’re hopeful but not entirely optimistic.

July 17, 2024

What We’re Reading
Coverage of Political Violence

The attempt on Trump’s life was of horrific and should not have happened. It was good to see all political corners immediately and firmly condemn the action.

This week we are reading the coverage of the shooting to see if it marks a turn in how the press and pundits talk about political violence. Much of the early coverage has focused on what impact the event will have on the campaign. This is an understandable, and terrible, approach. Asking about the electoral impact of the shooting puts the shooting in the context of campaign events - it becomes a speech, rally or endorsement. It’s horse race coverage of polls, except the sport is Rollerball.

Coverage of political violence as a normal or inevitable part of campaigns risks further normalizing political violence. It says “this is what we do in politics, this is how politics is.”

Better media coverage would look at the causes and consequences of political violence. It would note that most politics, most of the time, should be mostly boring. Coverage would highlight fierce debates that result in policy rather than stalemate or gunfire.

We look forward to reading ongoing coverage that holds candidates and elected officials accountable for violent and dehumanizing rhetoric. I don’t want to read about what someone says coming out of church on Sunday morning, I want to read about what someone does in a bar on Friday night.

What We’re Watching
The Republican National Convention

The Republican National Convention in Milwaukee will be a good test of whether or not pundits and pols really will spend more time calling for unity and less time calling their opponents agents of evil.

We expect to see lots of talk of policy, lots of hyperbolic rhetoric, lots of buttons and balloons. We hope to see lots of spirited and partisan speeches that focus on differences of opinion. Hopefully we won’t see a lot of bitterness, anger and hate. So far, we’ve been let down.

July 11, 2024

What We’re Reading
Digital Fundraising Ethics

The American Association of Political Consultants (AAPC) recently issued digital fundraising guidelines. The guidelines are a good baseline for candidate and advocacy campaigns. Among other things, the guidelines say that campaigns shouldn’t promise fake matches, mislead people about who they’re raising money for, and ensure people can opt-out of donating or receiving email. It’s a good start.

A few years ago, former Republican operative Tim Miller wrote that,

“…grass-roots fund-raising is also what ending democracy looks like. As with any other mass movement, people-powered campaigns followed the standard Hofferian trajectory: beginning as a cause, turning into a business and becoming a racket. Our online fund-raising system is not only enriching scam artists, clogging our inboxes and inflaming the electorate; it is also empowering our politics’ most nefarious actors.”

Miller wrote on the heels of Donald Trump’s well publicized, incredibly deceptive, practice of making donors automatically give monthly rather than just once. Many of those tricked into donating monthly are elderly and vulnerable.

Email and text fundraising appeals that amount to “donate $5 or I’ll shoot this dog” may boost donations in the short term. But they burn out lists, turn off voters, increase cynicism, and unfairly take advantage of people. If you can’t raise money by making an honest case for your cause or candidate, you should probably rethink who you support.

What We’re Watching
Campaign Coverage

This is a political season unlike any we’ve seen before. Both major party candidates for President have held the office, and neither is terribly popular. Both have well documented personal challenges. The public and press are concerned about the impacts of artificial intelligence, social media, and foreign governments on the outcome of the US elections. Public trust in virtually every democratic institution is down.

All of this as we head into the Republican National Convention next week and media coverage of the very public concerns about Biden’s health continues to rage.

We are, of course, watching all of this. We are also continuing to watch to see if the coverage helps resolve challenges facing our democracy, or if the coverage exacerbates them. The President’s health, the former President’s legal challenges, voter dissatisfaction, election interference, and the rest are newsworthy. The media should cover them. The question is how, and to what end. If all the coverage is all spectacle - show for show’s sake - then democracy suffers.

Politics can be entertaining, but politics as entertainment diminishes our shared democratic experiment. It makes our coming together, the way we resolve and manage differences to solve shared problems and advance shared interests, a sideshow. Politics isn’t something that’s over there about those people - it is us. Media coverage of politics should reflect our shared interest in, and investment in, our shared success.

July 3, 2024

What We’re Reading
Plato and the Debate

Like most readers of this email, I followed last week’s Biden/Trump debate and am watching all the fall out. Most of the discussion has been about Biden’s performance. Some attention has been given to Trump’s false or misleading claims, and even less coverage to Biden’s. But the overwhelming amount of punditry has been focused on how Biden and Trump appeared, not on what they said.

This seems like a good time to revisit Plato.

Plato spent a lot of time pointing out why sophists were bad people who risked poisoning the souls of their students (Protagoras). In the Phaedrus, the sophist Phaedrus says that a good speech isn’t one that is true. Instead, a good speech argues “not what is really right, but what is likely to seem right in the eyes of the mass of people who are going to pass judgment: not what is really good or fine but what will seem so…” Plato says this belief can have dangerous results - if neither the speaker nor the audience knows what’s actually true, then people can do some really stupid things. For example, they might send someone into battle without the proper preparation (Phaedrus) or take medical advice from good speakers who don’t know anything about medicine and ignore medical advice from people who don’t sound clever (Gorgias).

Most of us want a leader who sounds compelling, whose presence reassures us that they are sharp and in command of the facts. But the content of what they say matters as well. Plato reminds us that ethical political communication must be grounded in reality.

What We’re Watching
”Expert” predictions and horse races

All of that said about Biden, Trump and Plato, like everyone else who follows politics, we’re watching the conversation around Biden. It is worth recalling that Phil Tetlock pointed out that, “expert” political political predictions are usually terrible. As Louis Menand wrote in his New Yorker review of the book, “Human beings who spend their lives studying the state of the world, in other words, are poorer forecasters than dart-throwing monkeys…”

Our interest here is less in what happens (we’re interested in that, just not here) and more in how the decision gets talked about. The first instinct of many journalists and pundits maybe to talk about the impacts on the politics - horse race journalism (yes, I know this is an “expert” political prediction and therefore suspect). As Denise-Marie Ordway put it in the Journalist’s Resource from the Shorenstein Center at Harvard, “When journalists covering elections focus primarily on who’s winning or losing instead of policy issues –what’s known as horse race coverage — voters, candidates and the news industry itself suffer, a growing body of research suggests.”

Regardless of who the Democratic or Republican nominees are for president, or for any other office, we hope that pundits and journalists focus more on policy than personality, and more of substance than style.

June 26, 2024

What We’re Reading
Elite Misinformation?

In his most recent Slow Boring piece, Matt Yglesias argues that “Elite misinformation is an underrated problem.” He defines elite misinformation as “erroneous ideas that are perpetrated by mainstream institutions.” Two of the examples he highlights are recent news about maternal mortality in the US and fossil fuel subsidies.

Both are a big deal, and both need to be dealt with. But, as Yglesias notes, the apparent recent surge in maternal mortality is largely the result of how maternal mortality is measured, not its current rate compared to past rates. Again, maternal mortality is a critical issue, but not one that is suddenly getting much worse.

A different take on elite misinformation is what counts as a “subsidy.” For most of us, most of the time, a subsidy means a specific and immediate benefit - tax breaks, matching dollars, that sort of thing. But a subsidy can also mean long term costs of the impacts of something paid for by someone else. For example, I subsidize the heath care costs of those without health insurance who suffer from illnesses in part brought on by their own choices (smoking, eating a lot of food that’s bad for them, etc.).

Surging rates of mortality, excessive subsidies and other headline grabbers can help draw attention to important issues. Policymakers tend to focus on a limited number of issues at a time. If your issue isn’t on the agenda, it probably won’t get dealt with. That doesn’t make policy hyperbole OK.

We all get frustrated when those with whom we disagree make rhetorical mountains out of policy mole hills. We rightly point out that it’s unfair and misleading when opponents claim a few anecdotes are the same as actual data, exaggerate impacts, take advantage of vague or slippery language, or otherwise fudge the facts. If our opponents shouldn’t do it, we probably shouldn’t do it either. As Yglesias succinctly puts it, “lying to people is bad.”

What We’re Watching
The Debate

Of course we’re planning to watch Thursday’s scheduled debate between President Biden and former President Trump. Not because we want to, but because we have to. I for one would rather watch the Copa America. Since I teach and talk about political communication (I’ll be part of C-SPAN’s pregame show on Thursday) I am obligated to watch the debate and think of thoughtful things to say about it afterwards.

My hope is that both candidates will show the best of what political debate can be: pointed, sharp, insightful, educational, and rational. I also hope that both candidates go out of their way to praise critical democratic institutions like the courts, the media, elections, and higher education. As a fan of DC United, Arsenal and the Red Sox I am used to my hopes being dashed. But I hope nevertheless.

June 18, 2024

What We’re Reading
A new, old Republican Party?

Last month a handful of prominent Republican former elected officials announced an organization called Our Republican Legacy. In an op-ed in the Washington Post, the group’s chairs - former Republican Senators John C. Danforth (MO), William Cohen S. (ME) and Alan K. Simpson (WY) - wrote, “We believe that our nation’s well-being depends on having the positive, stabilizing influence of a healthy, two-party system, which we currently do not have…” The group is neither pro- nor anti-Trump. Rather it is looking post-Trump at a set of principles on which candidates can run. Next week former US Rep. Charlie Dent, an initial member of the group, will join me for a conversation about the effort. Stay tuned for details.

What We’re Watching
Recent Talks, Cheap Fakes and Primary Stories

Missed US Rep. Derek Kilmer’s conversation with the Project about why politicians and elected officials should behave ethically? You can check it out here.

Cheap fakes - deceptively edited clips, Frankenstein pictures assembled from bits of other images, images out of context, and so on - are in the news. For example, conservative media outlets and pundits are circulating videos of President Biden edited or used out of context to reinforce stereotypes about his age and mental acuity. This deception is wrong on its own. As it gets exposed it can also decrease public trust in media in general - if everything can be fake, then why would voters believe anything is real? One risk of mis and disinformation is that it can lead people to believe things that aren’t true. A knock-on risk is that it can lead people to believe nothing at all. To quote Warren Zevon’s theme song for the mid-90s show Tek War, “The skies are full of miracles/And half of them are lies.”

Finally, of course, we’re watching the primaries. We’re especially interested in the stories pundits, the press and campaigns tell about why candidates won or lost. People win or lose elections for all sorts of reasons, some of which may have little to do with the campaigns. But the story of why one won or lost can help determine what comes next, and how candidates behave in the future. If political professionals believe that bombastic candidates won because they were bombastic, future candidates will be bombastic. If the story is that bombast lost and reasoned discourse won, the future campaigns will be more reasonable.

Why Be Ethical? The recording and bonus links

US Representative Derek Kilmer (D-WA) joined Project director Peter Loge to talk about why candidates and elected officials should behave ethically.

Congressman Kilmer led the Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress. The Committee’s recommendations included ways in which Congress could improve collaboration and civility. The Committee also held several hearings on improving civility and bi-partisanship in Congress.

The Congressman also authored the Building Civic Bridges Act. This bi-partisan legislation that would “support communities in addressing sources of division by aiding local civic and community organizations. These efforts aim to confront contentious issues and, ultimately, bridge divides.”

As Representative Kilmer said, “we all have agency.” We can make politics better. So let’s get to it.

Event: Why Be Ethical?

On Tuesday, June 11 at 9:00am US Rep. Derek Kilmer (D-WA) is joining the Project on Ethics in Political Communication to talk about why candidates and elected officials should be ethical - what are the incentives to behave well? Register for the conversation here.

We also asked half a dozen others to weigh in - two Republicans, two Democrats, a philosopher and a journalist. Their responses are below in alphabetical order. The authors’ full bios are at the bottom.

Prof. Jeffrey Brand
Associate Provost, Associate Professor of Philosophy at the George Washington University

Suppose you’re confident that a certain path is unethical, but not necessarily unlawful.  What reason might you have to avoid the unethical path?  The simplest answers concern the immediate probable effects of unethical conduct.  It might be counter-productive for you in the short term, damaging your professional reputation, your career prospects, and your net worth.

Even if it has no such negative effects in the short term, it might have them in the longer term. Even if the unethical path benefits you in a given case, taking it might inculcate habits in you that will lead you someday to make unethical decisions that seem expedient, but are actually bad for you.  Such bad habits could also spill over into other areas of life.  Ethics and prudence can be opposed, but there are many parallels.  The habit of acting unethically might make you more likely to act imprudently, as well.

In a given instance, of course, you might be confident that unethical conduct doesn’t threaten your long-term interests.  But your subjective confidence might be misplaced.  A better rule of thumb might be “always act ethically,” even when you’re fairly confident that the unethical choice is worth the risk. 

Unethical behavior can also deplete the fund of trust upon which civilization depends, even if its effects on the shared “trust fund” are imperceptible in any single case.  Analogously, the effect of a single combustion engine on rising sea levels is immeasurably miniscule, but their collective effects on sea levels is devastating.  Likewise with unethical conduct.  Some will see this as an independent reason to be ethical.

Situations in which you’re confident (and correctly so) that acting unethically will promote your long-term self-interest also provide unique opportunities to acquire self-knowledge.  They enable you to learn if you are a genuinely free, rational agent, willing and able to do the right thing for the right reason.  Choosing ethically can be a form of self-actualization.  Some even see these moments of unencumbered ethical choice as connecting them to the rest of humanity and beyond, to the transcendent, the universal, and the divine.

Philosophers can’t “think away” the reality of psychopaths, some of whom appear to know right from wrong, but find themselves with no motivation to do right.  We can only ask you if you wish to emulate them.  And hope that you don’t.

Dr. Mark P. Campbell
Senior Republican consultant

Ethical behavior in politics has never been more critical to winning elections, particularly in an era where voters, inundated with negativity and misinformation, are desperately seeking integrity in their candidates and elected officials. In a landscape where skepticism towards politicians runs deep, and "outsider" candidates often gain an edge for their perceived honesty, good ethics fosters trust. Voters are on the lookout for candidates who can break the mold of the traditional, often disingenuous, politician—a perceived rarity in today's political landscape.

Acknowledging this, it becomes essential to establish a system where ethical behavior is not just encouraged but rewarded, challenging the status quo epitomized by figures like Roger Stone and Paul Manafort, who are seen as successful despite their questionable ethics. Introducing tangible incentives for ethical conduct—such as public recognition for transparency, and demanding ethical leadership from our representatives can significantly shift the political paradigm.

It's about playing the long game, fostering lasting trust with voters. Glenn Youngkin exemplifies this approach; the trust we built throughout his campaign, both with voters in Virginia and nationwide, not only benefits him as the current Governor of Virginia but also positions him favorably for possible future ambitions for a higher office. When an opponent’s ethical breach is revealed, the resulting damage is significant and often irreversible, regardless of how much consultants attempt to mitigate it through spending. Winners govern, losers complain, and exemplifying good ethics is crucial to building lasting trust and winning campaigns.

Paul Kendrick
Executive Director,
Rust Belt Rising – Democratic candidate training organization

The incentive to be ethical—if one needs one beyond doing what’s morally right—is in taking the long-term considerations. 

Unethical practices are short-sighted and unsustainable.

We see this today in digital fundraising. You can bring in a quick buck with scammy emails, but it weakens your bond to an audience and your leadership brand. It is possible to write substantive content that motivates your audience to give by helping them understand why. That is not to say that it’s always easy to make these choices. Campaigns can rationalize things around the need to win, the righteousness of their cause, the more time it takes to write something compellingly of substance. But we are paying the price as a whole in politics when audiences once gave start tuning all of these emails out because people overdid it. That eventually hurts every campaign—the ones who were the worst actors too—so we can only hope people are thoughtful. In digital fundraising, I see ethics as being honest. If it’s not a real petition, don’t say it is. If you’re not really speaking on behalf of a famous leader, don’t say you are. Be honest about what you are doing, how this money helps, and be respectful to not over-ask. Treat an email list like a friend you’d ask.

Then when it comes to ethical actions in office, we are reminded by Senator Bob Menendez how unethical (well, in this case ultimately criminal) behavior catches up. Now that will be his legacy despite whatever good bills he voted for in his time as a Senator. Doing things right is ultimately rewarded by people in the reputation that you build for conscientiousness.

In the Obama White House, an expression I heard as to how to judge an action is “how would this look as a Washington Post headline?” Again, we want to do things right for the sake of it. But if that’s not enough, or if they are unintentional gray areas, then look at how it would be seen and make sure you do things you would be proud of. It’s still possible to win that way. You will win more years from now if you do. 

Kathryn Larson
Democratic Candidate, Idaho House of Representatives, District 1

People rationalize their behavior in the pursuit of power. Politics is the pursuit of power. Unethical behavior can accelerate the capture of some power – like elected office. Yet, power can also be quickly drained or gained when unethical behavior is exposed.

Michelle Obama gained power when she refused to go low. Liz Cheney gained personal power (while losing positional power) when she stood up to Trump. Michelle Obama and Liz Cheney could not be more different in their policies and beliefs. Yet, the same people grant both tremendous respect.

Unethical behavior and communication are transient. I believe that clear and transparent communication and refusing to jump into the muck will be rewarded. 

In my rural American district, a senator got elected by engaging in a smear campaign claiming that a multi-generational, favored son was a pedophile and supported human trafficking, among other things. The unethical senator’s campaign depended on a domain of motivated, primary, loyalist, voters among his religious base. Current data indicates that he has awakened the complacent middle. There’s been a huge surge in Republican party registrations to vote him out in the primary.

My grandfather – City Manager of Dallas – coached me, “Don’t do or say anything that you’d be embarrassed to see on the front page of the Dallas Morning News.” My add-on is “know that the bad actors will spread horrible rumors about you. Don’t give them any real fuel.” The older I get, the more I understand the wisdom in Papa’s words.

Reena Ninan
Journalist, Founder Good Trouble Productions

Ethical behavior in politics is the lifeline for maintaining public trust and confidence in government. When politicians act ethically, they show their commitment to public interest supersedes personal advancement. This creates faith in the political process. But too often that trust is so easily broken.  

If we move to incentivize ethical behavior in politics we might want to consider:

Stronger Laws
Passing any legislation through Congress seems impossible these days. But coupling tougher anti-corruption laws with severe penalties guaranteed to be enforced- could help with accountability and integrity. Too often anti-corruption laws have loopholes that are easy to circumvent. By ensuring tougher standards- with guarantees that penalties will be levied- might help to mitigate unethical behavior.

Public Accountability and Participation
A robust democracy requires public accountability, citizen participation, and transparent governance. Access to information about government activities and campaign finances is essential. However, opening up records isn't enough- we need to ensure citizens can easily find and access this information. Transparency and citizen engagement are crucial for holding politicians accountable for their financial actions.

Independent Media Support
Empowering journalists is also vital for fostering accountability and transparency. Stronger laws must protect them from harassment and legal threats. Whistleblowers are key in uncovering corruption- strengthening protections can encourage them to share information without fear. Independent media often lacks resources- funding and support for investigative journalism. 

Offering aid to these organizations would allow for more political corruption and ethics violations reporting.

 In summary, the incentives to be ethical in politics can range from helping to foster public trust through transparency, stronger laws, and better media protection and support. The focus on incentivizing ethical behavior is important.  It contributes to the overall health and stability of democracy.

Peyton Rollins
GW School of Media and Public Affairs student
Press assistant, Republican member of the US House

I am tempted to name multiple incentives motivating elected officials and candidates to behave ethically, but my gut tells me that there is only one: their constituents. Through elections, constituents control whether elected officials and candidates stay in office or not, and most want to see their elected officials and candidates behave ethically. In fact, a 2018 Pew Research study found that 91 percent of Republicans and 90 percent of Democrats agree that political officials need “to be honest and ethical.”

With this many Americans agreeing that elected officials need to behave ethically, every politician in the United States should be seen as a model of ethical behavior. Yet, a Gallup poll from last year found that just 10 percent of Americans thought members of Congress were “honest and ethical.” This is not just a Congressional problem: in a separate Gallup study, only around 42 percent said the Biden administration behaves ethically.

If constituents incentivize elected officials to behave ethically, then how do members of Congress and the President stay in office with such low ratings? In both polls cited above, there is high partisan disagreement over what it means to be ethical. In other words, a Republican in rural South Carolina and a Democrat in Los Angeles probably expect different ethical behavior from their elected officials. While constituents still incentivize officials and candidates to behave ethically, they are divided over what ethical behavior even means.


Author Bios:
Prof. Jeffrey Brand
Jeffrey Brand is Associate Provost for Undergraduate Affairs and Special Programs at the
George Washington University. He is also Associate Professor of Philosophy at the University
and affiliated with the Trachtenberg School of Public Policy and Public Administration. He
served as Associate Dean for Graduate Studies in the Columbian College of Arts and Sciences
from 2014-2019. Professor Brand has published on criminal sentencing theory, the ethics of
adjudication, and social contract theory, among other topics, in such journals as Ethics, Legal
Theory, and the Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence. His monograph, Limits of Legality:
The Ethics of Lawless Judging (Oxford University Press, 2010) appeared in Chinese translation
with China Renmin University Press in 2017. In 2010 he received the Morton A. Bender Award
for General Teaching Excellence from the University. He was a full-time visiting scholar in the
Department of Bioethics at the National Institutes of Health in 2012-13. A graduate of Vassar
College, he holds a J.D. and a Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Michigan - Ann Arbor.

Dr. Mark P. Campbell
Dr. Mark P. Campbell began his career as a Presidential Fellow during the Reagan Administration in the Department of Defense. Dr. Campbell was recently selected as a Pritzker Fellow by the University of Chicago’s Institute of Politics and is currently a Senior Fellow at the Leadership Institute, where he teaches campaign management. He has worked with hundreds of federal, state, and local campaigns, winning numerous tough "down ballot" races in swing areas even when the top of the GOP ticket lost substantially. Dr. Campbell served as National Political Director for Ted Cruz for President. Other presidential campaigns include Rudy Giuliani, George H. W. Bush, and George W. Bush.

Mark and his wife Kathy reside in Dallas, Texas, and have six grown children.

Paul Kendrick
Paul Kendrick is the Executive Director of Rust Belt Rising, a Midwest political training organization, as well as a professor at National Louis University in Chicago. Paul served in President Obama's White House and on his 2012 Wisconsin campaign. He was previously the Director of College Success at the Harlem Children's Zone. He is the co-author of Nine Days: The Race to Save Martin Luther King Jr.'s Life and Win the 1960 Election, a New York Times Book Review editor's pick that deals with political ethics and courage in the Kennedy/Nixon election. He previously co-authored Douglass and Lincoln: How a Revolutionary Black Leader and a Reluctant Liberator Struggled to End Slavery and Save the Union. You can follow him on Twitter at Paulkendrick84.

Kathryn Larson
Kathryn Larson is a Democratic candidate for the Idaho State Legislature in 2024. She is the founder of the management and coaching consulting firm Riley Thinks, and is a professional glassworker. Her extensive private sector experience includes roles with McKinsey, IndustryMasters, and The Regis Company. In 1998 she co-founded Granite Technologies where she developed one of the first web-based electronic performance support platforms.

Reena Ninan
Reena Ninan is a television journalist and entrepreneur. She is the founder of Good Trouble Productions, a media company focused on amplifying causes through producing, distributing, and hosting engaging content.  Reena created and hosts two top-rated podcasts, Ask Lisa: The Psychology of Parenting and HERO: The Hidden Economics of Remarkable Women. She has served as a foreign correspondent in the Middle East—reporting from Baghdad to Beirut to Jerusalem—as well as a White House Correspondent for ABC News.  She also anchored the CBS Weekend news in New York. Reena is most passionate about foreign affairs, female entrepreneurship, economic inclusion, mental health/wellness, and creating thriving communities.

Peyton Rollins
Peyton Rollins is a student in the School of Media and Public Affairs at the George Washington University. A native of South Carolina, Peyton is a press assistant for a Republican member of the US House of Representatives. Prior to his current role, Peyton interned in several Congressional offices and in the South Carolina governor’s office. He is also an SMPA Ambassador.